Corporate Voters Project, Delaware

Forever the Fenwick Island Corporation 

Or, Shady Sovereignty at the Sands Motel 

Corporate Voters Project – Research Note #7 

A postcard featuring the Sands Motel in Fenwick Island, DE. Three images: one is a view of the exterior of the hotel and its parking lot; a blue and white building with cars parked outside. A smaller insert features white people in bathing suits at the beach; and a third white people at the motel pool, with the logo and building behind them. Source: Sands Beach Resort Motel, 1979, Postcard, 21 x 9 cm, Special Collections, University of Delaware Library, GRA 0138, Delaware Postcard Collection, https://digitalcollections.udel.edu/Documents/Detail/sands-beach-resort-motel/164590.

Fenwick Island, as a modern community, was born a Delaware chartered corporation – which perhaps explains the municipality’s current attachment to corporate voting. 

Today, the Town of Fenwick Island is (in)famous for being among the handful of Delaware municipalities that allows corporations to vote in local elections.[1] Like other towns that enfranchise fictional persons, Fenwick awards voting rights on the basis of residency and property ownership. The tiny beach settlement (year round pop. < 400) does put some limits on the corporate vote: since 2008, Fenwick’s charter has insisted on a “one-person/entity, one vote” principle, so property owners cannot double dip, voting as both individuals and as the entities they control; nor can they vote multiple times based on the number of parcels they (or the entity) own.[2] 

Still, the political community that defines this narrow spit of land is firmly committed to oligarchy. Not only are non-resident property owners enfranchised, they can – and frequently do – make up a majority of the town council: only three of its seven members have to be full-time human residents.[3]

Recently, Fenwick was in the news for more than its generic lighthouse. In December 2025, the ACLU Delaware sued Fenwick in state court for violating the Delaware Constitution’s guarantee of “free and equal” elections conducted on the principle of “one person, one vote.” [4] The case is pending, though Fenwick Mayor Natalie Magdeburger told a reporter that it is “[o]ur belief is that everyone who pays taxes and is subject to our ordinances should have a vote” – including within “everyone,” the artificial entities commonly used to manage property. [5]

But how did this one-lane sea shore village become a rentiers’ redoubt? And when did it decide to shift from human rule to government for and by artificial entities? The legal history of this sandy spit on the Mason-Dixon line reveals the surprisingly recent roots of corporate voting, as an active practice – but also Delaware’s long tradition of privileging property over people. 

~~~

Fenwick Island began its life as a distinct Delawarean community as an insider real estate speculation. In 1893, John H. Layton, Clerk of the Delaware House, bought out the owners of the barrier island that overlapped the Delaware-Maryland border, commonly known, if vaguely, as “Fenwick Island.”[6] Layton appears to have been the front man for a consortium of moneyed Delaware speculators, including legislators and industrialists, who quickly won two corporate charters to develop and manage the property.

The first, the Fenwick Island Company, was a real estate firm dedicated to managing “the business of purchasing, selling, holding, improving and managing real estate and island property.” The state granted it a $50,000 capitalization, extendable to $300,000, and the right to construct a railroad. (NB: unlike corporations under current Delaware law, the Fenwick Island Company’s founding document guaranteed shareholders’ democratic governance rights: all bylaws had to be decided by stockholders, and at all stockholder meetings, “all questions shall be decided by decided by a majority of votes case…each share of stock being entitled to one vote.” No question about rights to make proposals then, though later corporate advocates committing acts of law office history have offered alternate facts.)

The second was the Fenwick Island Gunning Club. Though Fenwick’s dunes and marshes were reportedly good territory for goose and duck shoots, its charter was silent on “gunning” (hunting) – but it did declare the corporation’s purpose as to provide for the “social intercourse and mutual improvement of its members.” (It’s founding members were the same as the real estate company.) [7]

Despite Layton’s string-pulling in Dover to acquire land and investment vehicles, not much came of the effort. Fenwick land sales didn’t boom, and neither a hunting resort nor a railroad was built. But in the decades following,  Fenwick Island did become something of a cheap vacation spot, the site of regular evangelical camp-meetings, where vactioners enjoyed shore stays in rustic lean-tos and squat cottages [8]. After the state built a new road in the 1930s, cottagers petitioned for the right to purchase titles to the lots they leased – which they gained in 1942, after a legal battle over property rights between the state and the various “real estate men” resolved in the state’s favor.[9]

~~~

By 1953, the growth of Ocean City, Maryland next door, and the advent of better roads and more secure land titles, appears to have made Fenwick popular enough to lead property owners to petition the General Assembly for a charter, which duly passed into law without attracting comment. As with the corporation that preceded it, the town was to be run for and by property. Its government, a town council, was a body whose membership could only be composed of freeholders; those town councilors would be voted in by an electorate composed of “male or female” persons, twenty-one or over, who qualified for the franchise by being “freeholders,” either themselves or by marriage. Notably, while the original Fenwick Island town charter explicitly recognized that persons, partnerships, and corporations could be assessed taxes, implicitly it reserved voting rights for “persons” with qualities of gender and age – that is, human beings. [10]  

Unusually for Delaware municipalities, the Town of Fenwick Island has never revised its charter wholesale, but only amended it  – making it more difficult to track when corporate voting arose. The first evidence of the practice in state law appears in 1965, when the town charter was amended to allow the authorities to issue infastructure bonds. As with other municipalities, this new capacity for extending municipal credit came with new oversight: special hearings to propose and discuss the borrowing, and a special election to obtain voters’ approval. These special bond elections expanded the electorate to corporations, explicitly, and tilted power toward wealth: “every owner of property, whether individual, partnership or corporation” could vote, and they “shall have one vote for every dollar” paid in tax. Voting could be in person “or by proxy.” In other words: a few months before the US Congress would pass the Voting Rights Act to ensure all Americans could participate in elections equally, the Town of Fenwick Island in still-segregated Delaware extended new voting rights only to propertied fictional persons. [11]

Universal human suffrage did not reach Fenwick Island until after man had visited the moon and disco conquered the dance floor. In 1979, a charter amendment lowered the voting age to eighteen, and specified that all humans residents in town on election day were “entitled to vote.”[12]

This new regime was not without its complications, however. In 1981, Fenwick’s police chief, James L. Cartwright, was disqualified as a candidate for a town council race because he did not own a sufficiently decisive property interest. A non-resident, Cartwright had thought himself qualified, because he owned a minority stake in a corporation that owned real estate in town: 20/400 shares in the Sussex Sands Inc., a corporation that owned and operated the Sands Motel. Citing an unpublished “municipal policy” that granted only majority stockholders of property-owning corporations the right to run for office, the town council rejected Cartwright’s bid for candidacy – and he found a lawyer to contest the rejection. His attorney, Robert C. Wolhar, discovered that “at least three of the current councilmen” in Fenwick were similarly deficient – owning only a minority share of the same motel corporation. A town council thusly improperly constituted, Wolhar alleged, could not govern legally, and thus “all the ordinances and police arrests made in the small seaside town may be illegal because some of the commissioners … were seated illegally.” [13] 

The Delaware Department of Justice, following its characteristic approach to white collar law enforcement, declined to pursue the matter. The next Fenwick election – with a high turnout of 400 – swept in a slate of fully qualified candidates, seemingly resolving the immediate issue.[14] Following this dispute, Fenwick amended it’s charter several times in the early 1980s, using increasingly convoluted language to define qualifications for voters and candidates for office. In 1986, it settled on the exclusion of “freeholders” who “who claim title to real property by virtue of their ownership rights in a limited partnership, a corporation, or other fictitious name association, or in special circumstances, where an organization is formed for the apparent or express purpose of taking title to property principally to acquire the right to vote, or a person or persons who claim title to less than 50 percent of the real property which is owned jointly with a corporation, limited partnership, or fictitious name organization.”[15] How the town council was to discern the “apparent or express” purpose of a corporation was not specified.


Sidebar: Sussex Sands, Inc., the corporation that owned the Sands Motel and in which Cartwright and several town councilmen owned minority shares, remains a going concern. John Caldwell, the owner and operator of the motel (and failed town council candidate himself) died in 1982, but his widow remains listed as the registered agent for the corporation, at the motel's original address (a comparison of a 2012 Google Street View image and a 1979 postcard featuring the motel reveal the property to be the same). In 2020 the motel was remodeled and renamed, and is now branded as an upscale Hilton property, “Fenwick Shores.”[16]

The latest major change with regard to corporate voting in Fenwick Island was made by amendment in 2008. In a sweeping revision of the charter’s voter qualification section, the amendment inserted a by-then increasingly common (in Delaware) “one-person/entity, one vote,” provision, limiting both natural persons and artificial entities to one vote, total, no matter how many parcels of property they owned. It also specified more clearly the documentation needed for corporations (a notarized power of attorney designating a proxy voter; corporations still need humans to take action). 

In keeping with twenty-first century Delawarean practice, the provision of corporate voting went unremarked in public discussions of the  amendment process. The town manager, Anthony Carson, justified the revision only in terms of needing to increase the town’s “outdated” credit limit, raise funds sufficient to build a new “public safety building.” At least in news reports, the “one person/entity” rule – or corporate voting, more generally – did not warrant a mention. [17] A 2018 charter amendment increased the burden on human voters  – requiring more identification to establish residency – but left procedures for corporate voters unchanged. [18]

~~~

Human democracy – government for the people, by the people – has never taken firm root in the sandy soils of Fenwick Island. A land imagined speculatively from its first legal organization, property has always called the shots there. Controversy over governing power, when it has occurred, has been over how much control a given person (natural or legally fictitious) has over real estate title – not whether people matter more than property. 

Fenwick Island, then, mirrors in some ways Delaware’s increasingly unambiguous preference for corporate controllers over community stakeholders. Whether it’s taxes at the beach, or plaintiffs at the bar, the state’s governing institutions seem to incline to consolidated power over any other available option. It remains to be seen how this system will weather the strong storms we know are coming.

—–

Header Image Source: Sands Beach Resort Motel, 1979, Postcard, 21 x 9 cm, Special Collections, University of Delaware Library, GRA 0138, Delaware Postcard Collection, https://digitalcollections.udel.edu/Documents/Detail/sands-beach-resort-motel/164590.

[1] Corporations and other artificial entities, including “partnerships, trusts, and limited liability companies” – provided they are domiciled in the state, and own property in the town. Charter of Fenwick Island, Sec. 9(A)(2), State of Delaware, accessed January 20, 2026, https://charters.delaware.gov/fenwickisland.shtml&nbsp;

[2] 76 Del. Laws, c. 363 (2008)

[3] Charter of Fenwick Island, Sec. 6 and Sec. 9, State of Delaware, accessed January 20, 2026, https://charters.delaware.gov/fenwickisland.shtml&nbsp;

[4] ACLU-DE Files Lawsuit Against Fenwick Island for Allowing Corporations to Vote in Local Elections, (ACLU Delaware), December 3, 2025, https://www.aclu-de.org/press-releases/fenwick-corporate-voting/ ; Jacob Owens, “ACLU Sues Fenwick Island over Non-Resident Voting,” Spotlight Delaware, December 5, 2025, https://spotlightdelaware.org/2025/12/05/aclu-sues-fenwick-island-over-non-resident-voting/. (NB that the Spotlight article significantly misstates the core contention of the ACLU’s suit: the organization is contesting Fenwick’s practice of non-human voting – not non-resident voting).

[5] Kerin Magill, “Fenwick Island Responds to ACLU Lawsuit,” Coastal Point, December 12, 2025, https://www.coastalpoint.com/news/communities/fenwickisland/fenwick-island-responds-to-aclu-lawsuit/article_0ff740be-481b-43c5-8271-6c2faaae1899.html.

[6] The newspaper reporting on Layton’s purchase is somewhat contradictory, but it appears he gained title to the island by buying out two members of the Gum family, Dr. F. M. Gum and William A. Gum, for a total of $6,750, in separate transactions. Layton’s purchase was covered in an amused tone by otherwise bored legislative reporters, who noted his enthusiasm for the property and its possibilities for duck hunting and sheep herding . “Bought Fenwick Island,” Morning News, April 10, 1893, p. 4; “Legislative notes,”Every Evening, April 18, 1893, p.1; “They Own the Whole Island,” Evening Journal, April 28, 1893, p.5;  “Clerk Layton’s Purchase,” Every Evening, April 28, 1893, p.1. 

There were earlier Delaware corporations with “Fenwick Island” in their names, but these appear to have been aimed at improving water infrastructure – ditch digging. See 14 Del. Laws, c. 149 (1871), “An Act to Incorporate the Fenwick’s Island Improvement Company,” March 15, 1871, pp. 217-220; 18 Del. Laws, c. 375 (1887), “An Act to Incorporate the Fenwick’s Island Beach Company,” April 14, 1887.

[7] “A Fenwick’s Island Boom,” Every Evening, April 19, 1893, p.2; 

 19 Del. Laws, c. 982 (1893), “An Act to incorporate the Fenwick Island Gunning Club,” April 24, 1893; 19 Del. Laws, c. 722 (1893), “An Act to incorporate the Fenwick Island Company,” April 25, 1893 pp. 972- 975. (On shareholder rights, see 19 Del. Laws, c. 722 (1893), p. 973-74.)

[8] “Fenwick Island Camp,”Every Evening, April 25, 1921, p.6; “State Offers Vactionists Rest,”Newark Post, July 26, 1922,p.2 ; “Delaware Vacation Spots Attract Pleasure Seekers,”Morning News, Feb. 27, 1937, p.27 

[9] “Ask Right to Buy Land,”Morning News, June 16, 1938, p.20; “Fenwick Island Land Sale Ready,” Morning News, January 5, 1942, p.18;  “Delaware to Sell Fenwick Island Land: Owners of Cottages Get Right to Buy Lots on Ocean Front,”Daily Times (Salisbury, MD), Jan. 5, 1942, p.8 

[10] “Other New Bills,” The Morning News, March 27, 1953, p.10; “Other Bills Passed,” Morning News, July 2, 1953, 40; 49 Del. Laws, c. 302 (1953), “An Act to Incorporate the Town of Fenwick Island, Delaware,” July 8, 1953, pp. 602-23 (on voter qualifications, see p.606, on taxes, p. 612).

In 1962, a Washington DC paper reporting on Fenwick’s amenities for vacationers – including a beach that coughed up silver dollars – noted that “the council is elected by everyone registered on the property tax rolls.” See: Janet Koltun, “Money Banks Deposits Dwindle but Fun Rises,” Evening Star (Washington, DC), Aug. 5, 1962, C-6

[11] 55 Del. Laws, c. 89 (1965), “An Act to Amend Chapter 302 … ‘ An Act to Incorporate the Town of Fenwick Island, Delaware’ By Authorizing the Borrowing of Money and Issuing Bonds Therefore…,” (May 27, 1965), pp. 360-62.

[12] 62 Del. Laws, c. 3 (1979), “An act to amend chapter 302…,” February 6, 1979, p.4

[13] Ed Shur, “Arrests May Be Illegal,”Daily Times (Salisbury, MD), July 14, 1981; Grayson Smith, “Fenwick Election Imperiled,”Morning News, July 14, 1981, p. C2 

[14] “Two Candidates run into flap in Fenwick election,”Morning News, July 31, 1981, p.C4; “Election Settles Issue in Fenwick,”Morning News, Aug 2, 1981, p.B2 

[15] 65 Del. Laws, c. 321 (1986), p. 603. Prior amendments include: 64 Del. Laws, c. 53 (1983). p. 110 and 63 Del. Laws, c. 371 (1982), p.775.

[16] Sussex Sands, Inc., file no. 858088, Entity Search Database, Delaware Division of Corporations, https://icis.corp.delaware.gov/Ecorp/EntitySearch/NameSearch.aspxSands Beach Resort Motel, 1979, Postcard, 21 x 9 cm, Special Collections, University of Delaware Library, GRA 0138, Delaware Postcard Collection; “J.R. Caldwell, Sands Motel owner, dies,” Morning News, Feb. 2, 1982, C4; 

[17] 76 Del. Laws, c. 363 (2008) ; Andrew Ostroski, “Fenwick Island Officials Meet to Change Charter,”Daily Times, July 25, 2008, B4. 

[18] 81 Del. Laws, c. 258 (2018).

Delaware

DGCL Fiasco 2025: Sources

Or, A Bibliography of News, Opinion, and Sources Relating to the 2025 Attempt to Revise Delaware’s General Corporation Law. Final update: 3/26/25.

A printed image of a long receding hallway in a grecian temple, with timelines and chronologies forming the wall, floors, and ceilings. Emma Willard, “The Temple of Time” (1846), via Cartography Associates (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) https://www.davidrumsey.com/luna/servlet/detail/RUMSEY~8~1~315043~90083688:The-Temple-of-Time#
Emma Willard, “The Temple of Time” (1846), via Cartography Associates (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0)

Note: SB 21 (repackaged as SS 1 for SB 21) passed the Delaware House late on Tuesday, March 25, 2025 and was signed into law the same night by Governor Meyer. The bibliography below is updated to include reports through the following day – March 26, 2025 – but nothing beyond that point.

Since it was dropped on an unsuspecting public two weeks ago, Senate Bill 21 has occasioned a great deal of both propaganda and conversation – and even some reporting and evidence-based analysis. This short bibliography (or, less pretentiously, link-roundup) is intended to help Delawareans and other folks get up to speed on the issue, understand the forces in play, and get a sense of the stakes. 

I will update it, as my time allows, and events merit. I have tried to (mostly) link publicly accessible sources, but there may be some paywalled exceptions. 

Some caveats: the bibliography below is not comprehensive, nor is it intended to be. It’s what, in my judgment, is the most useful for understanding what the hell is going on.

Also! It is not a guide to the bloggy conversations among corporate law specialists, a play-by-play for Dover courtiers’ inside baseball, or the group chat among oligarchics’ agents – though it intersects with all of those discourses. (Go to LinkedIn, Facebook, and Signal, respectively, if you want those.)  

Get Up To Speed

Xerxes Wilson, “Controversial Corporate Law Changes Passed by House, Signed by Delaware Governor,” The News Journal, March 26, 2025, https://www.delawareonline.com/story/news/2025/03/25/delaware-corporate-law-changes-chancery-court-signed-into-law-by-governor-matt-meyer/82655315007/;

Karl Baker and Jacob Owens, “Meyer Signs Controversial Senate Bill 21 into Law after Bitter House Debate,” Spotlight Delaware, March 26, 2025, http://spotlightdelaware.org/2025/03/26/meyer-signs-senate-bill-21/.

Lora Kolodny, “Meta’s Potential Exit from Delaware Had Governor Worried Enough to Call Special Weekend Meetings,” CNBC, March 19, 2025, https://www.cnbc.com/2025/03/19/meta-billions-of-dollars-at-stake-in-overhaul-delaware-corporate-law.html.

Lora Kolodny, “Tesla’s Law Firm Drafts Delaware Bill That Could Salvage Musk Pay Package,” CNBC, February 18, 2025, https://www.cnbc.com/2025/02/18/firm-representing-musk-tesla-drafts-bill-for-delaware-corporate-law.html.

Jordan Howell, “DelDems Roll over for Musk,” Delaware Call, February 17, 2025, https://delawarecall.com/2025/02/17/deldems-roll-over-for-musk/.

Primary Source(s)

Senate Substitute 1 for Senate Bill 21: “AN ACT TO AMEND TITLE 8 OF THE DELAWARE CODE RELATING TO THE GENERAL CORPORATION LAW,” filed March 12, 2025, passed March 25, 2025, https://legis.delaware.gov/BillDetail/141930

  • Primary sponsor: Sen. Townsend
  • Cosponsors: Sen. Sokola, Lockman, Hocker, Pettyjohn; Reps. Griffith, Minor-Brown, Harris, Osienski, Dukes, Spiegelman

House Amendment 1 to Senate Substitute 1 for Senate Bill 21, filed March 18, 2025, [proposed amendment, not picked up] https://legis.delaware.gov/BillDetail?LegislationId=141964

  • Sponsor: Rep. S. Phillips
  • Summary: “This Amendment mirrors the proposed changes in SS 1 for Senate Bill 21, but provides that the corporation must “opt-in” to adopt them. It adds a new section one, which describes the method by which the corporation may opt in to the changes from the default, existing law.”

Senate Bill 21: “AN ACT TO AMEND TITLE 8 OF THE DELAWARE CODE RELATING TO THE GENERAL CORPORATION LAW,” filed February 17, 2025, https://legis.delaware.gov/BillDetail/141857 [original bill]

  • Primary sponsor: Sen. Townsend
  • Cosponsors: Sen. Sokola, Lockman, Hocker, Pettyjohn; Reps. Griffith, Minor-Brown, Harris, Osienski, Dukes, Spiegelman

Senate Concurrent Resolution 17, https://legis.delaware.gov/BillDetail/141858

  • Primary sponsor: Sen. Townsend
  • Cosponsors: Sen. Sokola, Lockman, Hocker, Pettyjohn; Reps. Griffith, Minor-Brown, Harris, Osienski, Dukes, Spiegelman

Delaware General Corporation Law, Delaware Code, Title 8, https://delcode.delaware.gov/title8/c001/

Office of the Governor, “Discussion Re: Corporate Franchise,” February 2025, https://www.scribd.com/document/840790103/CNBC-copy-2025-03-12-de-Governor-FOIA-Response-38#download&from_embed.

  • Internal emails between personnel in Gov. Matt Meyer’s office and various Musk & Zuckerberg associated lawyers, coordinating drafts, details, & messaging around the push for SB 21;

Dig Deeper

The items below represent a wide spectrum of debate on SB21 and the political economy of Delaware’s corporate law; inclusion is not an endorsement that a given piece is reliable, truthful, or accurate – simply influential. This list is organized chronologically, working backwards from most recent.

Xerxes Wilson, “Controversial Corporate Law Changes Passed by House, Signed by Delaware Governor,” The News Journal, March 26, 2025, https://www.delawareonline.com/story/news/2025/03/25/delaware-corporate-law-changes-chancery-court-signed-into-law-by-governor-matt-meyer/82655315007/;

Karl Baker and Jacob Owens, “Meyer Signs Controversial Senate Bill 21 into Law after Bitter House Debate,” Spotlight Delaware, March 26, 2025, http://spotlightdelaware.org/2025/03/26/meyer-signs-senate-bill-21/.

Karl Baker, “Lobbying on Corporate Law Change SB21 Enters Final Stretch,” Spotlight Delaware, March 21, 2025, http://spotlightdelaware.org/2025/03/21/sb21-final-stretch/.

Katie Tabeling, “Top Delaware Firm Takes Quiet Role in Corporate Amendment Debate,” Delaware Business Times, March 20, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/firm-quiet-role-in-corporate-amendment/.

Lora Kolodny, “Meta’s Potential Exit from Delaware Had Governor Worried Enough to Call Special Weekend Meetings,” CNBC, March 19, 2025, https://www.cnbc.com/2025/03/19/meta-billions-of-dollars-at-stake-in-overhaul-delaware-corporate-law.html.

Yvonne Deadwyler, “Preserving the Corporate Franchise Is in the Interest of All,” Delaware Business Times, March 18, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/viewpoint-sb-21-deadwyler/

Katie Tabeling, “Meet the Business Organizations Endorsing SB 21,” Delaware Business Times, March 17, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/business-endorsing-sb-21/

Joel Friedlander, “Are Hamermesh, Chandler and Strine Making Delaware Corporate Law Great Again?,” The News Journal, March 17, 2025, https://www.delawareonline.com/story/opinion/2025/03/17/are-hamermesh-chandler-and-strine-making-delaware-corporate-law-great-again-opinion/82490918007/.

Joseph R. Mason, “SB 21 Could Cost Delaware Millions,” Delaware Business Times, March 17, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/viewpoint-sb21-could-cost-millions/

Matthew G. Jacobs, General Counsel, CalPERS to Senator Bryan Townsend, et al, Re: “Delaware Senate Bill No. 21,” March 14, 2025, https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25590146/letter-from-calpers-to-delaware-leadership.pdf.

Katie Tabeling, “How a New Bill Raises Uncertainty in Wilmington’s Legal Economy,” Delaware Business Times, March 14, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/sb-21-legal-economy/.

Karl Stomberg, “Capital Fight or Flight: Delaware’s History of Gangster Capitalism and the Need for a Democratic Economy,” Delaware Call, March 13, 2025, https://delawarecall.com/2025/03/13/capital-fight-or-flight/.

Greg Vallaro, “Delaware Senate Bill 21 Is a Disaster. It’s Time to Call Strike Three,” News Journal, March 12, 2025, https://www.delawareonline.com/story/opinion/2025/03/12/delaware-senate-bill-21-is-a-disaster-opinion/82277898007/.

Jeffrey P. Mahoney, “SB 21 Threatens Long-Term Shareholder Rights,” Delaware Business Times, March 10, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/viewpoint-sb-21-shareholder-rights/.

Alan Jagolinzer et al., “The False Crisis Pushing Delaware to Surrender Shareholder Rights,” ProMarket, March 7, 2025, https://www.promarket.org/2025/03/07/the-false-crisis-pushing-delaware-to-surrender-shareholder-rights/.

William Chandler and Lawrence Hamermesh, “Delaware’s Corporate Law, Proposed Amendments Play Fair,” Delaware Business Times, March 6, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/viewpoint-sb21-chandler-hamermesh/.

June Carbone, Nancy Levit, and Naomi Cahn, “Elon Musk and the Rise of the Dictator CEO,” Washington Monthly, March 6, 2025, http://washingtonmonthly.com/2025/03/06/elon-musk-and-the-rise-of-the-dictator-ceo/.

Cris Barrish, “Is ‘DExit’ a Real Threat to Delaware’s $2B-a-Year Incorporation Kingdom, and Will the Proposal Protect or Destroy ‘the Franchise’?,” WHYY, March 5, 2025, https://whyy.org/articles/dexit-delaware-franchise-incorporation-industry-billionaires-bill/

“Legal Experts Weigh in on Townsend’s Remarks in Delaware Call Interview,” Delaware Call, March 4, 2025, https://delawarecall.com/2025/03/04/legal-experts-weigh-in-on-townsends-remarks-in-delaware-call-interview/

Daniel Taylor, “Delaware’s Manufactured Corporate Crisis,” Delaware Business Times (blog), March 4, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/viewpoint-taylor-sb-21/.

Chris Foulds, “Billionaire Corporate Law Smash-and-Grab Could Destroy Delaware’s Economy,” News Journal, March 3, 2025, https://www.delawareonline.com/story/opinion/2025/03/03/billionaire-corporate-law-smash-and-grab-could-destroy-delawares-economy-opinion/80549853007/.

Andrew Verstein, “The Corporate Census,” SSRN Scholarly Paper (Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network, February 25, 2025), https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=5154952

  • NB this item is a working paper – meaning, it is an unpublished draft, that has not undergone peer review. All arguments should be understood as preliminary, and incomplete.

Ann Lipton, “Rip American Shareholder Capitalism,” Financial Times, February 24, 2025, sec. FT Alphaville, https://www.ft.com/content/85eccee4-3890-4c25-bd89-eb522b95efb9

Lawrence Cunningham, “Delaware Aptly Balances Certainty and Scrutiny in Corporate Law,” Bloomberg Law, February 24, 2025, https://news.bloomberglaw.com/us-law-week/delaware-aptly-balances-certainty-and-scrutiny-in-corporate-law.

Dael Norwood, “The Data Does Not Support the Narrative,” Goose Commerce (blog), February 23, 2025, https://daelnorwood.com/2025/02/23/the-data-does-not-support-the-narrative/.

Jordan Howell, “Delaware Call Interviews Sen. Bryan Townsend About SB21,” Delaware Call, February 21, 2025, https://delawarecall.com/2025/02/21/delaware-call-interviews-sen-bryan-townsend-about-sb21/.

Ryan Cooper, “Why Are Delaware Democrats Trying to Give Elon Musk $55 Billion?,” The American Prospect, February 21, 2025, https://prospect.org/api/content/63bddae0-efd3-11ef-9411-12163087a831/.

Jacob Owens, “Chief Justice Seitz Warns Lawmakers against Reducing Courts’ Independence – Spotlight Delaware,” Spotlight Delaware, February 21, 2025, https://spotlightdelaware.org/2025/02/21/chief-justice-warns-lawmakers-against-reducing-courts-independence

Peter Walker, “Is Delaware Losing Startup Incorporations to Other States? … (No),” LinkedIn (blog), February 21, 2025, https://www.linkedin.com/feed/update/urn:li:activity:7298753740558254080/.

Delaware Working Families Party (DE-WFP), Stop Elon Musk’s Corporate Law Bill, https://actionnetwork.org/letters/stop-elon-musks-corporate-law-bill

Public Citizen, Americans for Financial Reform, American Association for Justice, Consumer Federation of America,  STOP DELAWARE SENATE BILL 21https://www.stopsb21.com

Andrew Blumberg, Ben Potts, and Tom James, “Delaware Corporate Law Myth-Busting: The ‘Expanding Definition’ of Controlling Stockholder,” The Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance (blog), February 21, 2025, https://corpgov.law.harvard.edu/2025/02/21/delaware-corporate-law-myth-busting-the-expanding-definition-of-controlling-stockholder/.

Jennifer Kay and Jef Feeley, “Musk’s War on Delaware Spurs State Bill to Hang On to Businesses,” Bloomberg.Com, February 19, 2025, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2025-02-19/musk-s-war-on-delaware-spurs-state-bill-to-hang-on-to-businesses.

Collin Woodard, “Musk’s New Plan To Get His $56 Billion: Change The Law,” Jalopnik (blog), February 19, 2025, https://www.jalopnik.com/1794019/musks-new-plan-to-get-his-56-billion-change-the-law/.

Dael Norwood, “The Golden Goose Is An Arsonist,” Delaware Business Times, February 19, 2025, https://delawarebusinesstimes.com/news/viewpoints/viewpoint-the-golden-goose-is-an-arsonist/.

Karl Baker and Jacob Owens, “Landmark Delaware Corporate Law Changes Aim to Stem Exits,” Spotlight Delaware, February 19, 2025, http://spotlightdelaware.org/2025/02/19/delaware-corporate-law-change-sb-21/.

Ann Lipton, “Delaware Decides Delaware Law Has No Value,” Business Law Prof Blog (blog), February 18, 2025, https://www.businesslawprofessors.com/2025/02/delaware-decides-delaware-law-has-no-value/.

Jacob Owens, “Meyer Considers Corporate Court Reform, Drawing Concern,” Spotlight Delaware, February 11, 2025, http://spotlightdelaware.org/2025/02/11/meyer-chancery-court-reform/.

Ann Lipton, “Delaware Decides Delaware Law Has No Value,” Business Law Prof Blog (blog), February 18, 2025, https://www.businesslawprofessors.com/2025/02/delaware-decides-delaware-law-has-no-value/.

Our Glorious National Heritage, Power At Play, Uncategorized

This Slave Trade of the … 21st Century?

Or, Horrible Things Briefly Noted

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Clipper_Ship_Southern_Cross_Leaving_Boston_Harbor_1851.jpeg

A specter is haunting today’s localized edition of the International Herald Tribune – the specter of nineteenth-century labor. In the appropriately (but I’m convinced utterly un-irionically) titled “Modern slavery: How bad is bonded labour,” a modern day Swift-sans-satire offers his readers a new modest proposal : why not re-legalize bonded labor?

The benefits, he says, are obvious: “[a] loyal workforce is more cost-effective” than one comprised of “floating and opportunistic workers who follow the bucks and switch frequently in pursuit of better pecuniary benefits and career progression.” Besides, the “economist” with “a PhD from Cambridge University” notes, Pakistan’s laws prohibiting slavery are ill-enforced; better instead and do away any prohibition, and replace it with a regime whereby owners – sorry, employers – are proded to take care of workers and their families “in terms of shelter and health.” Better for everyone! And certainly more profitable.

I snark, but these arguments should sound familiar to any student of proslavery rhetoric – although they were attacked as the utterly immoral statements they are by slaveholders in the past.

~

For some years now, the IHT has been owned by The New York Times. Founded as a conservative pro-business paper in 1851, just as the sectional conflict over legal chattel slavery was really starting to heat up in the United States, the NYT not infrequently weighed in on the subject of slavery, generally advocating a quiet and peaceful end to the institution, but with as little fuss and cost as possible. To that end, in the early 1850s the editors of the Times supported the introduction of a special kind of bonded labor into the United States: so-called “coolie” labor.

“Coolies” were workers from Asia (usually China or British India) who contracted to work eight-year stints in the Americas. They were hired most often to replace slave laborers on tropical plantations. (NB: the term “coolie,” now a highly derogatory racial slur, was seen by writers at the Times primarily as a legal category of workers from Asia – though that makes it no less a symbol of the virulent white supremacy that formed the foundation for the politics of the period). Asian laborers were needed on these plantations because slaves were becoming scarce, either as a result of legal emancipation (as in the British Caribbean) or indirectly as a result of the enforcement of transatlantic slave trade bans. This was in contrast to the American South, where slave populations were growing, and highly mobile. The editors at the Times promoted the traffic in Asian workers’ labor as a anti-slavery solution to slavery – which was conceived as as a problem of political economy, not morality. And they wielded that advocacy as a weapon in smaller political conflicts.

Responding in 1852 to Southern slaveholders’s agitation in 1852 agitate New York Times took up the subject from the perspective of economics, articulating what had become the conventional wisdom among Northerners on the topic. Noting that in Cuba the “experiment” in Chinese labor “has proved successful,” the Times wondered if Cuba’s labor system would not be “coveted by the Planter in the neighboring American States?” A few weeks later, the editors went further, suggesting that “the real malady of the South is defective labor, and the remedy the same as that now employed in Cuba – the introduction of the Chinese Coolies.” Should contracted Chinese coolie labor be successful, the Times editors thought, “the peculiar institution will at once give way to imitation; and so will end the great economical pestilence of the South.” The Times and its readers among the bourgeois elite indentured Chinese labor was a panacea for the economic and political ills of slavery, and, notably, a system that would benefit their style of investment and management handsomely.1 (The Times was not alone in this admiration for “coolie” labor, of course).

~

The system was acceptable to the Times in 1850 and their foolish successor at the IHT because it is founded – in theory – in the sine qua non of the liberal market economy: the freedom and sanctity of contracts. In this case, that means the freedom of a worker to sign away control over their body for a limited amount of time.  In practice, all evidence is on the side of the “freedom” here being no more than a myth, a viscious fantasy.

Ironically, in the United States, evidence of the evils of  indentured (or “bonded”) Asian labor were brought to light by slaveholders. Fearing that “free” indentured Asian labor would cut into their profits and political power, slaveholders across the United States in the mid-1850s began using reports of forced contracts, cruel ship conditions, and on-plantation mistreatment to argue, loudly, that the system was too cruel and too exploitative to be allowed to continue. They were acting in their own interests, of course, and their counterargument that their slaves were better treated was clearly a lie; but they were quite successful in getting other parties in the U.S., including the NYT, to abandon the trade as a proposal (at least for a time). By 1859, the “coolie trade” was described by one popular commercial encyclopedia as a subsection of the slave trade:

This trade has sprung up since vigorous efforts have been made to suppress the slave-trade proper. Although theoretically the coolie trade promised benefits to both planters and coolie, yet practically it is only another form of the slave-trade.

~J. Smith Homans, ed., A Cyclopedia of Commerce and Commercial Navigation (Harper & Brothers, 1859), II:1728-9

This sentiment carried into the Civil War; in 1862, a fervent abolitionist named Thomas Dawes Eliot pushed a bill banning American participation in the trade of “Chinese cooleys” through Congress – but that’s another story, and its own set of (no less dark) problems.

~

To return to the main point: whatever you call it, bonded labor is bondage. It’s slavery. That was true in 1859, and it’s true now, whatever ahistorical argument a Cambridge Econ PhD makes.2 But for a better approach to the problem of poverty and slavery in the contemporary world, one that’s actually historically informed, why don’t you take a look at what the Historians Against Slavery have been up to?

That should help rinse out some of the bitter taste, at least.


h/t @karpmj to for passing the IHT article along

1.) The Times was prolific on the topic for a time. See: “Orientals in America,” New York Times, 15 April 1852; “Cotton, Cane and the Coolies,” ibid., 3 May 1852; “Labor in Cuba,” ibid., 10 December 1852 for relevant examples.

2.) The headnote in the IHT, in attempting to frame the piece as a courageous anti-politically correct piece, really only demonstrates the author’s ignorance of historiography by claiming to be “following the academic tradition set by Robert William Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman in their fiercely debated book ‘Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery’ (1974).”

History and Historians, Our Glorious National Heritage, Uncategorized

Searching for Sustainable Sovereignty

Or, The Axes of Ideology Don’t Just Split Hairs

Chopping

Sean Safford, one of the OrgHeads, has just put up a very astute post about movements in contemporary U.S. political ideology. Essentially, he thinks that the ideological axis in the U.S. has shifted away from an emphasis on “fairness” vs. “conservation” — CEO pay is far too high! 40 million are uninsured! v. the market works great! If it [institutions] ain’t broke don’t fix it!– to an emphasis on “sustainability.”

Here’s his description of the “sustainability” argument:

The argument goes something like this: We live in a highly interconnected society which operates within a series of interconnected systems. Resources (physical, material, social, and political) are not only scarce, they are extinguishable. The system is in place, not so much to keep social order, but to ensure the reproduction of the resources needed to reproduce society over time. Undermining any of the systems on which society depends threatens to have ripple effects on others. But importantly, the biggest threat to the system comes not from external threats, but from individuals acting in their own self interest in ways that could undermine the delicate balance on which interdependencies of the system depends. Government action is needed, not to ensure fairness, but in order to save us from ourselves.

Continue reading “Searching for Sustainable Sovereignty”

The Past is a Foreign...Something

John Murray Forbes and the Coolie Colony on St. John’s River, Part II

Boiler

The Unbearable Ubiquity of Steamship Accidents

Last we left John Murray Forbes, China trader and nascent railroad baron extraordinaire, it was 1860 and he was all het up about a possible Federal ban on the coolie trade. In a letter to a Massachusetts Congressman, he argued that banning this trade — as opposed to regulating it — would play into the Slave Power’s hands. Banning the importation of cheap Chinese labor would eliminate a source of free labor in the South, and thus remove a threat to the antebellum plantation complex.

He supported this point with a host of ad hominem attacks on a former American consul, and, more interestingly, an anecdote about a Chinese colonization scheme he’d once supported, but had subsequently dropped on the advice of a planter friend. Forbes’s unnamed interlocutor had made it clear that planters’ “jealousy,” of “any scheme of labor outside of their ‘peculiar institution’ ” would make such any importation of free labor untenable in the South.(1)

Thus was Forbes’s plan to simultaneously “improve the condition of the Chinese, and show in our tropics the benefits of free labor,” strangled in its cradle.

But let’s step back a moment. Who was this planter friend? And what was their actual exchange? How well does Forbes’s story in 1860 match up to what the document’s tell us?

Let’s start at the beginning. Forbes’s planter-adviser was one James Hamilton Couper, or as it’s misspelled in JMF’s published letters, Cowper.(2)
Continue reading “John Murray Forbes and the Coolie Colony on St. John’s River, Part II”