Uncategorized

A waste, really

Or, Won’t Anyone Please Think of the commodities!

Waste_orange

So today, in my endless backpacking through the archives of early Sino-American relations, I ran across this passage in a despatch from the U.S. diplomatic representative to China, the notoriously obstreperous Humphrey Marshall:

When I look upon this noble country and especially upon its magnificent inland water communications, its broad valleys, and the vast productive capacity of its fertile plains, I can but deplore the woeful, criminal mismanagement, by a feeble despotism, of its abundant resources. I am convinced that there never has been in the history of Mankind a worse government than that which for some years past has afflicted China. It is without strength, spirit, or capacity – too vain to learn wisdom – too ignorant to behold its own gross want of intelligence. It sits, an incubus on the spirit and upon the prosperity of the people. But, really I see very little to prefer in those who essay its overthrow. It would be very important to the United States, indeed to the world, could western powers unite in sending their diplomatists to Peking, or to Nanking and so, by a timely interference, put an end to this internal strife which promises nothing half so much as the utter paralysis of trade for years to come. [emph added]

~Humphrey Marshall, U.S. Commissioner to China, to the William L. Marcy, Secretary of State, 21 June 1853

This is a fairly standard-for-the-time diatribe from a Westerner about China, and certainly one that is repeated often in the State Department’s China mission archives. Typical, too, in its callousness. And finally, it reiterates the themes so prominent in that American genre of justification for conquests, a popular series that had recently reached new heights (see: Invasión Estadounidense de México, 1846-1848).

(Oh, and Marshall’s comment about “those who essay its overthrow” is a reference to the recently begun Taiping rebellion, headquartered at Nanking (Nanjing). He feels it necessary to indicate that the rebels are not the lesser evil because many Western missionaries in China – especially Americans – at this point regarded the Christian-influenced mysticism of the Taiping as an indication that Christianity was finally sweeping China, and that their work had not, in fact, been for naught.)

Thus, the passage is in some (okay, many) ways unremarkable. But what I find interesting about it is how Marshall – a Kentucky Whig and staunch supporter of the plantation system in the U.S. – was able to shift the physiocratic “producer” rhetoric ( “broad valleys … and … fertile plains” ) in the service of a very different, if no less exploitative, kind of imperial conquest: one that focused on commerce.

That may not seem all that remarkable (and perhaps it isn’t — one needs markets to export the products of a plantation system, after all), but it nonetheless strikes my ear as profoundly unusual for a politician from anywhere but New York or Boston (and perhaps Philadelphia) to be expressing this kind of focus on cooperative international action in pursuit of commercial empire. Marshall’s other despatches indicate that he was a man profoundly concerned — at least while minister to China — with furthering American commerce all over the world, by force, if necessary.

(He was, in fact, continually asking Washington for a fleet of armed steamboats under his direct command, with which to patrol Chinese waters for pirates, and to threaten Qing officials. Commodore Perry had taken all the good ships to bully Japan with, you see.)

Incidentally, though the “internal strife” Marshall mentions — the Taiping Rebellion – did impede trade somewhat, it also claimed the lives of some 20 to 30 million people over the next ten years, making it by far the deadliest civil war in the nineteenth century, and perhaps ever (ours “only” killed around 620,000 and we’re still talking about it). This in a conflict largely, though not exclusively, fought using small arms. The rest of the world had to wait until the mid-twentieth century (WWII: 40-72 million) to surpass such a ghoulish mark, and then we had lots more toys to play with.

But yes, trade was impacted.


Image cite: Schilling 2, “What a waste, and so sweet,” Flickr, CC License

Archival Follies, The Past is a Foreign...Something

Great Moments in Taking Things Completely Out of Context

Diplomatic Despatches* Edition

Giraffe

“Feeling excited by the Death of the Duke of Orleans.”

~Edward Everett, U.S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Great Britain, to Daniel Webster, Secretary of State, 18 July 1842, Despatch No. 17.


* Yes, they spelled it “despatches” not “dispatches.” No, I don’t know why.

Image cite: Swiv,”What?,” Flickr, CC License

Archival Follies

Experienced Inconvenience

What with all the bodies piling up on the dock

LonelyDock

A strange mix of violence, confusion, and settled community reigned for the American residents (and presumably others) of coastal China in the mid-nineteenth century. The bureaucratic requirements of the State Department forced the unstable chaos of events into some odd, strained forms, at times.

See, for example, the following abstract of the resident American minister’s report for February 1850:

Grants of Land at Shang Hae [Shanghai] – Inconvenience experienced for want of a proper burial place for American citizens dying at Whampoa – Murder of two American citizens at the Fugee [Fiji] Islands by the natives – Sends his accounts – Death either of the mother of the Emperor of China, or the Emperor himself – Assault made upon the French Consul.

That’s a busy month, folks, but pretty typical of the time/place.


Image cite: Marcn, “Lonely Swimming Dock,” Flickr, CC License

Uncategorized

Wars and Reminiscences of Wars

William Gladstone, on the (First) Opium war:

I am not competent to judge how long this war may last, nor how protracted may be its operations but this I can say, that a war more unjust in origin, a war more calculated in its progress to cover the country with disgrace, I do not know and have not read of.

~as quoted in John Morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (1911), 226.

Ulysees S. Grant, on the Mexican War:

… one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger nation against a weaker nation. It was an instance of a republic following the bad example of European monarchies, in not considering justice in their desire to acquire additional territory.

~Ulysses S. Grant, Personal memoirs of U. S. Grant (1895), I:32

The irony (unsurprising reality?) here is that plenty of commentators in the U.S. decried the Opium war — in precisely Gladstone’s terms — but many of those same voices were raised just a few years later to call for Mexican territory and blood.

It occurs to me that unjust wars are all alike, yet still each unjust in its own way (cf. Tolstoy, families).

Knowledge Droppings, Our Glorious National Heritage

How did knowledge drop in Early America? Part III

Now a Regular Feature, Apparently

PaperPile

Some more evidence on how public documents generated by the nascent Federal State were spread around the new nation like so much fertile manure.

Exhibit A & A’

In August 1845, the State Department sent out a circular to the Presidents of “Colleges, Lyceums &c” informing them that “a box containing one set (17 volumes) of the Documents of the 1st session of the 28th Congress, and one volume of Nicolet’s Report, has been forwarded from this Department for you.”

Appended to the circular was a list of recipient institutions, by state. In New York, Union College, Hamilton College, Geneva College, Columbia College, and the New York Historical Society received copies; in Georgia, the University of Georgia and Georgia Historical Society garnered the same.

This pattern was repeated in each state; colleges and historical societies — and no other kind of institution, not even circulating libraries — got the goods.

A similar circular went out to “the Governors of all the States and Territories.” (The clerk did not feel the need to list all of these).

Exhibit B

In March 1843, when Anthony Halsey, corresponding secretary of the New York Mercantile Library Association, wrote to Daniel Webster, the Secretary of State, to ask the Department for “copies of Congressional Reports and other public documents for the past year,” Webster informed him that because “the distribution of the Congressional documents sent to this Department” was “regulated by law,” it was “not in my power to furnish the Mercantile Library Association with a Set.”

In explaining the reason for his request, Halsey noted that the MLA’s usual providers — congressmen — had neglected to donate these materials of late.

In Sum

It would appear that in the early 1840s, at least, “public” libraries were those held by colleges, historical societies, and state governments. There was a formal law (or laws) regulating free distribution of Congressional documents, etc. Libraries run by earnest and well-connected self-improvement types did not meet the standard set by this law.

More soon?

Previously: Part I, Part II


References:

For circulars, roll 33, M40: Domestic Letters of the Department of State, 1784-1906, RG 59 (Washington: NARA, 1949);
On the mercantile library, roll 31, ibid. and roll 101, M179: Miscellaneous Letters of the Department of State, 1789-1906, RG 59 (Washington: NARA, 1963),/a>

Image cite: Walter Parenteau, “Sorted White Paper Pile,” Flicker, CC License